Andrés Ruggeri

2020 to the present

2010 – 2019

2000 – 2009

Worker Cooperatives in Uruguay

2020s

2010s

2000s

Worker Cooperatives in Cuba

2020 to the present

2016 – 2019: growth and revision

2013 – 2015: early development

2012: the new law

Before 2012

Forestry Worker Cooperatives in Quebec

Quebec has a concentration of cooperatives in the forestry sector: over 30 worker cooperatives, as well as several multi-stakeholder and producer cooperatives. The companies range from 50 to 800 workers, employing more than 3,000 people in total. They have their roots in the parish economic organizing of the 1930s and 40s, when northern communities sought better conditions than the foreign-owned pulp and paper mills were offering. The first forestry co-op was formed in 1938.  Within a decade there were more than 20, and by the late 1960s there were more than 160, spread throughout the large province.

When the Parti Québécois was elected in the 1970s they saw the forestry cooperatives as an ally in rural economic development and resource management goals.  The province passed supportive legislation: 50% of all logging contracts on state lands  would be earmarked for cooperatives. They also incentivized the co-ops to merge and scale up. Mechanization transformed the sector in the 1980s,  boosting productivity, but requiring more capital, which further drove consolidation and mergers.   

With the new government partnership the cooperatives formalized a network in 1979, which in 2005 became  a trade association, the Fédération Québécoise des Coopératives Forestières (FQCF).  90% of the forestry co-ops are members.  Many of the cooperatives have diversified to include forest management and replanting services alongside logging. Some have also expanded vertically in the supply chain, buying out saw mills and distribution companies. 

2010s

2000s

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  • L’histoire des coopératives forestières du Québec (2012)  partie 1, partie 2

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Sugar Worker Cooperatives in Jamaica

Ten years after Jamaica’s 1962 independence from British colonial rule, the democratic socialist People’s National Party was voted in and launched extensive reforms. They addressed housing, education, transportation, and land access, established a minimum wage, and nationalized some sectors that were controlled by transnational companies. Three large private sugar plantations were sold to the state, which organized them into 23 worker cooperatives, with around 5,000 workers – roughly 200 workers each – to operate them. Empowerment of the new workers clashed against the government’s production goals, and against legacy managers who were ambivalent or hostile to the cooperative. The cooperatives operated from 1975 to 1981 when, in debt and losing money, they were forced by an incoming conservative government administration to privatize. 

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Three Large Worker Cooperatives In Mexico

In Mexico there are three worker cooperatives that employ more than 1,000 workers, launched during periods of economic shock in 1931, 1985, and 2005. All three converted from private ownership as the result of hard-fought labor organizing, when public support for strikes and factory occupations was strong. 

Cooperativa Cruz Azul is a cement manufacturer in Hidalgo that was bought by 200 workers as a cooperative in 1931. It now has around 5,000 workers. The company started in 1881.  Investors rescued it from bankruptcy in 1906 but then wanted their capital out during the Mexican revolution, and after the 1929 stock market crash the plant was only operating intermittently.  In 1931 a competing company made a hostile effort to buy the company and shut it down. Workers successfully pressured the state to expropriate the company as a public utility and restructure it under workers ownership. In 1931 around 200 workers agreed to pay investors back $1.3m over 10 years. In the 1950s a new director modernized the company and grew it 600%. In the process they build a cooperative company town, investing in schools, paved streets, business corridors, and sponsoring a major soccer team. They also supported five similar cooperatives to open in nearby states. In 2019 a long term leader fled after accusations of mishandling funds.

Cooperativa Pascual is a worker cooperative headquartered in Mexico City with around 5,000 workers who took over operations in 1985. The company is a major soft drink producer, with about 15% of the Mexican market and bottling plants in several states. The peso devalued in 1982 when global interest rates rose on the debt-rich country, and demand for oil exports softened. When the government mandated wage increases in response to inflation, the owner of the company refused, igniting a three year strike by around 1,200 workers. 2 workers were killed when the owner sent armed thugs in an attempt to break the strike. In 1985 the courts ruled in favor of the workers, and an arrangement avoided bankruptcy by allowing the workers to take over the facilities and brand as a cooperative. Since then the company has grown significantly, and is one of the few 100% Mexican owned soft drink manufacturers. 

Cooperativa Trabajadores Democráticos de Occidente (TRADOC) is a tire manufacturing cooperative outside of Guadalajara. The cooperative launched in 2005 the company now has more than 1,000 workers, and around 600 members. When the factory was built in 1970 it was the most advanced in Latin America. During the 2001 global economic slowdown, the German multinational owner demanded concessions in pay and working conditions, and when the unionized workers refused the owners retaliated by shutting down. Striking workers occupied the factory, led caravan marches, made legal appeals, and pressured international shareholders. In 2005 federal courts found in favor of the workers and ordered the owners to pay $40m in back wages. Instead of paying, the owners gave up the factory, but in an unusual way.  A cooperative of workers received 50% and would oversee operations, while a distributor was sold the other 50% and would guarantee access to the international market. By 2008 a new distributor had made investments and taken a majority share of the company. Workers have 3 of 7 seats on the board. In 2018 a long-term director was expelled in a corruption scandal. 

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